Lokang Jackson October 1, 2016

Marriage is a mandatory culture to Africans. It is a social status that is earned by working not achieved by what you owned. Wealth, possessions, etc contribute to your outreach to how many wives you marry. Keeping many wives over the years has proven though because of human demands and resources available. In many cases, you do have to strike balance or make sure all is satisfied with decisions, choices, ideas that you come up with as head of the family. In the 21st centuries, they too want to make decisions, choices and come up with ideas about because they are part of family and have full responsibility of anything that goes on in the family. African social status has sifted because some of them have grown richer and doing things becomes a union engaging everyone at same time-walking, shopping etc now need be done together. Few of them who are wealthy want to dominate social lives which can become a worrying issues to the rest giving headache to relatives of family and can lead to separation if it gets extreme. Now, that is an dreading because of amount of resources that they - family wants to accumulate. Imagine a Lopit talking marriage to Alur that makes lives not abusive however, culturally a talkative topic of the day, week, month etc, but it could be a done deal. Africa need to be free and maintain their marriage lives that makes social status easy, and always acceptable to all without hesitation. Africa on one hand need to copy and adopt marriage culture of other people from other regions of the world that way our priorities remain same with enough knowledge about what we do.

Lokang Jackson October 1, 2016

Like most Luo people, Ofirika came from Wau-the cultural and social city over there was then part of Sudan. We were all pastrologist and followers of Nile because the one thing that makes lives different for our livestocks. It is difficult to identify Ofirika from their neighbours because neither of them does seperate things from their colleagues. I might have told talk about these in my other notes, in the end we have come to understanding that we all owned our own lands and call them our homes. They are blessed on many occasions because their neighbours are playing friendly with - they stand with each others during time of all things being it food, social, cultural etc crisis. On many accounts, they too cultivate few crops as their ordinary alternatives to meat. With all that, Eastern spirit exists and most time better known peacefully to their neighbours. Ofirika in many ways like Luo and Ateker do act either to friendly or too niece to one another accomodating problems of one another. With Due respect, may be to them as they are to us keeping a watchful eyes over one another?

Lokang Jackson September 25, 2016

True alliance, formidable friend, and real homie who defended, fought, and calm situations with us. Ofirika are not known to many not even African leaders, institutions or researchers, but they are our neighbour. In the year 2000-2009, Luo friendship with Ofirika entered a state of defence. Ofirika Ateker, but speak Luo fluently like Atesot, and Otuho because of friendship that existed for generations. From the time of empire to now(1900-21 century) and they never revenge on us neither do they abandon us. We will keep talking about Ofirika for the next months or so.

Ofirika in Torit

LRA = Luo Resistance Army

EDF = Eastern Defence Force(Torit Army)

Lokang Jackson September 24, 2016

all things that comes to mind has security word attached to it e.g. food security, water security, money security, people security, animal security, education security, relationship security etc. Security does not come simply as it sound e.g. food security seems not real, but imagine you are in Juba now then that makes it even more important to you than anyone of them. For us to be secure we must feel safe, but from who? It could also mean when you are secured then they don't feel safe. If you have a UN arm forces guiding your population, the leaders e.g. local government try to make an agreement with them that the land they are on is proposed be used by local for farming, constructing school, hospital etc. You-the local governments have already managed to bring down the bad security and people are safe and we can manage our people from here. After that work on the agreement and make sure the population is safe not just on paper, but socially they-the people are too.

During war: During war both side make sure they kill as many as they could kill to reduce strength base on number and work their hardest to shut down supply routs, resources etc. There are at least two sides of enemies with strength understanding of each other. The points they make are contrary to each other and there is in most cases no direct links, but in other cases there wild agenda still differs.

After War: Wars are both accidental and planed. When war is fought, permanent enemy is created for generations to come. War in simple term is lazy way to solve and solvable problems e.g. Land issues rules, technology, understanding, reducing wasteful developments etc; distance between death and life-no war no unnecessary deaths; Show of strength; Resistance to retain; and prove of capability. In war, one side looses and the other gains, but reversible with time. War affects and does not heal simply, but keep a growing pains, anger, agony etc for generation because of memory of lives lost, properties, developments in comparison to opponents ect, but it is an optimism generator on the other side.

Peace: Peace is a natural thing because people who are peaceful are originally that way and warmongers are always originally that way. When both becomes achievement and celebrated that is when either side start getting sceptical of it. There is also another way to look at it, when warmongers are celebrating winning wars, then the peaceful will remember their lost at war that make both sides regain. We can get back to war when either the warmongers feels threaten or stronger. When the peaceful forget about war and concentrate on peace only that will make the warmonger gain. In short, it is always good to alternate and measure what has the enemy that way we can balance things and keep the world as it is.

Things to remember

  • After war there is no forgiveness
  • War does not differ base on race or location
  • If we have competition, we always will have no wars

Lokang Jackson September 22, 2016

Let history speak for itself. Wau had been and is till the most recognised strategic place in Southern Sudan since the very existence of us. They however, lost that recognition because at the time, tribes in Wau e.g. cholo, luwo, etc were regarded as nomadic and in their book it was written most violent people. Tribes like Luwo just has their tribe name written in word and is unforgettable. The Bari speakers e.g. Bari, Kuku, Pojulu, etc where very administrative and had skills for running a government. They were also peaceful in many ways and tend to solve their problems on table, but most of the Nilotic e.g. Luo and Ateker were warriors. They were fierce and always sceptical of insecurity not only that, they were always defensive because they were mostly farmers and so the nomadic(highland) of the time e.g. Nard, Dinka, Nuba etc would come for their water, destroy their crops, and most of all displace them. Europe don't like that because it seems same mindset and so are deemed dangerous. In the history of Luo and other Ateker, they fought a hard defensive war especially Acholi, Otuho, Lokoro, Lango etc. Juba then became the commercial and hence the capital now, but are the Bari speakers of then equals the Bari speakers of now? One thing we all have to know for sure is that, Juba won't be our capital city in the decade or so.

Lokang Jackson September 22, 2016

If you once had empire, kingdom, chiefdom, top leadership etc in your society, culture, country, etc you will always regain it back when you lost it. Major problem is when you cracked from inside - your people fighting each other. In only few decades, Pari has come off strong again and in many ways may regain Juba.

Juba: Many of you complains about Juba now especially the youth. I had been there myself and I walked that footstep. Nearly three decades ago(I was about 2 - 3 yrs old), Juba big businesses were still operated by Egyptians. In the 1980 particularly people before us remember the hanger, danger, in fights, etc happening in Juba. Anyanya one had just finished their battles. I remember going to the Egyptians' shops discussing and making friendship with with them during that. Many of them became my ultimate friends and even offer me any kind of food for free in spite of prizes of that time. I could speak to them like one of them and convince them like I worked with them before. I didn't have to do that let alone do I know what I was doing, but I have a feeling even now that I was working for my people and country. After that my family put me on a bike and dropped me back to the village without any opinion. I just found myself in the rural but caught up so fast and started straight away from there.

Sudan: Juba had been a city even before Anyanya. It was always remembered as a strategic place in Sudan. May I also tell you that, as true Africans you should be happy and proud that we have the current Khartoum government in office. Take a glance at the administration carefully, I guess what you will see is brothers and sisters now, not the Juwa abiet of the time.

South Sudan: South Sudan is now where we were After Milton Obote time. It was a time when we were cut off from central management system. You are left with guesses, no clear path, miss understanding and most time end up fighting and mind you during both, I went through them and I know what they are like.

Caution: Avoid thinking, associating, and working for money, earning big money, having a house, and owning things. You MUST think about what is needed to you as an individual then you can proceed to tribes and later government. Government should always be last on your mind. It is difficult to have a relative that asks for money, help, support etc especially to working members of that tribe than relatives who always work hard to defend their working men and women outside their society because doing that leaves the working with free options to what need be done with what they achieved. That way, you will always have security of your relative in your hand. Now, think exactly like that but put yourself as a government or government administrator. What would you do? Why not do it now?

Lokang Jackson September 21, 2016

One of the battles we fought and will never forget for generations to come. This battle will be remembered as wat obendo. On Luo side was the LRA(Lord resistance army), Burundi(hutu) and Uganda(Ankole) called M23 and central Africa republic called Mai Mail. The three groups defended and attacked whenever it is necessary. They attack when their public is endangered and defend when they are under attacked. This started at the time of what was called small mines of the East because leadership started to show some capitalist culture in Africa. In 2004 and 2005, Luo was too strong and could invade khartoum, central Africa republic, chat, and Congo at same time without any problem. Then the European came in support of both Mai Main and M23 pumping in ebola in LRA head quarter and sending in men on boot to help both M23 and Mai Mai. Luo was reduced and slowed drastically, that gave way to the other groups. We needed to regroup, this time with politic at forefront and defence following. Khartoum and Eastern Congo accepted but we are left with the rest of Congo and central Africa. Our defence had to punch holds to penetrate to enemy who are now 6 times stronger than we are. We had to have a system in place to manurer the battles. We engage all public, officials, the defence and anything usable thing we owned. That took us half a decade or so and now we are here. There is till a lot to be done even though we feel safe and secured. We now need to turn our attentions to watch our backs because that is where our next problems will meet us. Until then, battles shall never stop but tactics, logics, and intelligent system have to adopt as fast as possible and always try to counter and analyse them as fast and soon as possible. Last decades was defence, next may be education, health, development etc. Whatever it might be, keep your nose at their tail.

Lokang Jackson September 18, 2016

Clean in Acholi or Luo is the newest game ever played. In the old days we had the most worrying, dogie, dangerous and evil music you can find in our culture. I am not old enough to fully educated you on this matter, but I witnessed, danced, played instrument, organised and got involved in it from about 4 years old to 7. I later also got involved in the weaker version which is only one percent of the original. La Rwenya comparison is the current western Rock music including all acts. It was and is what we had learned and live with those days. All I see is now pretenders and weakest version off that popping out.

Lokang Jackson September 15, 2016

Okebo describe their tribal structure in terms of localised unilineal descent groups. Three levels of segementation appear to be important, and will be differentiated as clans, sub-clans, and lineages respectively. Exogamy is a mark of clanship, and therefore when two groups do not intermarry the presumption is that they belong to the same clan. However, complications arise from the fact that the obligation of exonomy ca arise in other ways, according to Okebo tradition. A sub clan often does not inter marry with sub clans which have long been settled around it, and with which sub clans which have long been settled around it, and with which close relationships have developed, even though they are known to belong to a different clan. Such sub clans, which are thus isolated among members of another clan, are often reffered to as members of that clan, and only persistent enquiry elicits the response that in fact they used to belong to another clan. In this situation a sub clan. In this situation a sub clan may be claimed by two different clans, and it may be claimed by to different clans, and may actually observe exogamy with both, or parts of both. But it may well be supposed that affiliation with the clan from which such a sub clan has become isolated may eventually be forgotten, and exogamy no longer observed. Some sub clans mention the fact that a certain sub clan fed them in a famine, and that therefore they will not marry into sub clan, although they do not admint to being members of the same clan.

On the other hand, the obligation of exogamy may lapse with respect to a particular sub clan, although it continues to claim the same clan affiliation. This is due to wrongs arising between one sub clan and another, especially the begetting of a bastard by a boy of the one on a girl of the other, or fighting between them for any other cause. This may lead to one sub clan inter marrying with all the rest of the clan, or losided inter marriage between certain sub clans and not others within the same clan. The reader is referred to the appendix at the end of the book, where the main Okebo clans and sub clans are listed, and examples of all these situations noted.

An isolated sub clan may, in effect, become a clan in relation to the surrounding groups, though it remains a sub clan in relation to distant sub clans with whom clan affiliation is still recognised by both sides. the greater part of the Okebo now occupy a fairly continuous stretc of territory, though many sub clans are still scattered about all over the Alur country, and naturally these are often ignorant of their clan affiliation in relation to the main mass of Okebo. Within the main territory of the Okebo there are several fairly large clans, of which a number of sub clans are settled continuously to one another. It is the sub clans which are settled some distance from the main territory of their clan, though still among other Okebo sub clanss, of which a number of sub clans are settled contingously to one another. It is the sub clans which are settled some distance from the main territory of their clan, though still among other Okebo sub clans of heterogeneous clan affiliation, which enter into the various assymmetrical inter group relationships mentioned above. Some of the Okebo sub clans most influenced by the Alur have

addopted praised cries on the Alur pattern, and these often indicate past associations with other Okebo groups for which there is now no coherent explanation.

The greater part of the clans of membi Ondhikuru and Abaji, with some sub clans of Yu, are settled in an almost continuous belt with some sub clans of yu, are settled in an almost continuous belt along the western border of Ukuru, constituting a population of about five thousand. Other parts of these clans are found as comparatively isolated sub clans or sections of sub clans in various parts of Alurland. The Avare are the main clan in the present Congo Okebo county of Ndo Avare which comprises a vast area to the north west, settle at the very low desity for this region of well under ten to the square mile. The other clns are mainly found in the other congo Okebo county of Ndo Okebo, which lies to South Avare on the west bank of the Kibali river.

Some of the groups in the distant county of Ndo Avare never came into intimate contact with the Alur. They are, moreover, ethnically transitional, being influenced by or mixed with their further neighbours, the Mamvu Lese and Logo, Just as in other quarters the Okebo have been interepenetrated by Madi and Lendu or assimilated to the Alur.

The clans of Kari, Ndhebu, Ngoza and Abira did not work iron, which is regarded by most Okebo as the typical characteristic of their culture, and, indeed, their outstanding achievement.

The numerical relation of the Okebo to the Alur was much lower than that of the Lendu, and the proportion of the tribe coming under Alur influenced and the strength and result of that influence seems to have been greater in the former than in the latter case. For this reason it is more difficult to give an account of the Okebo kingship and political system as wholly distinct from that of the Alur, especially as the now separated organised Okebo of the Congo inevitably took the Alur political system as their model, while Okebo groups which came under least Alur influence are ethnically transitional in other directions and so equally under presentative of a distinctive Okebo system. However, the Alur concerned are well aware of the varying extend to which different parts of the Okebo population have become Alurised; nor did it take me long to distinguish this myself, and in the following account the distinctive features of what is admittedly a hybrid culture are, I think, quite plain.

The Okebo are patrilineal and patrilocal. Clans are in theory strickly exogamous. The size of their exogamous groups this contrasts strikingly with that of the Lendu whose practice of exogamy extends to the sub clans only. Furthermore, Okebo and Lendu sub clans are of approximately the same size, and there are many more of them in each of the Okebo clans than there are in those of the Lendu. As among

the Lendu, the older informants, and those who in other respects inspire confidence, give only very short genealogies. The lengthy ones given by others sometimes indicate long standing Alurisation as in the case of the Abaji, or else a purely recent attempt to get even with neighbouring tribes of which the lengthy genealogies do not usually express the relationships of sub clans, or give any unity in this respect to the clan. Some intermediate named groupings are claimed between variou sub clans, but have no practical significance beyond the possible expression of feelings of closer unity between them than with the rest. Sub clans contain lineages usually of three or four generations depth from living elders to the point beyond which they tend to become confused or to fade out, or, failing to remember any other authentic ancestros, fall back upon the name of the lineage or even of the sub clan or clan itself.

In lendu social organisation emphasis falls most heavily upon the sub clan as a group, less upon clan,a dn only very vaguely upon the shadowy groupings beyond that level. This attitude schema twords the large scalre framework of sociey is similar to that found in segmentary lineage systems which consist of widening fields of relationship corresponding to diminising strength and precision of obligation is too restricted to justify its inclusion in this type of society. In Okebo social organisation, again, the strongest emphasis falls upon the sub clan, and beyond that on the clan, but Okebo clanship is both fairly well defined and stands at the very outside limit of awareness of the kinship framework, and the only other large scale structural relationships are the ill defined groupings intermediate between sub clan and clan. This structural orientaion belongs rather to the type normal in social systems based on clans which are regarded as more or less absolute in time, and not normally subject to the changes of configuration resulting from segmentary processes. It thus seems to me that the structural orientaions of Lendu and Okebo society belong to two different conceptual types, but the restricted scope of social organisation in both societies limits also the significance of this distinction. In both, part from the wider systems into which they were partially integrated by other tribes, the greater part of social life was conceptually framed within the structure of sub clans and their component lineages, groupings which were of roughly comparable size in both societies.

Okebo clans, like those of the Lendu and Alur, use the term ambab of one another, but they have no special term for sub clans as the Lendu have. Clans recognised no common bonds except those of interlocking consanquinity resulting from intermarriage, and regarded their normal relation as that of war. This, however, meat less than in the case of the Lendu since the Okebo clans were so large, and consequently most sub clans belonging to different clans were comparatively far apart. Otherwise, much of what was said in general about the Lendu applies to the Okebo also. They too were, in the Congo but not in Uganda, as far as possible disengaged fromt= the Alur by the Belgians and set up with chiefs of their own. They do not for the most part attempt to deny their past relations with the Alur. All their pride is concentrated upon their achievements as iron workers. Their skill in this respect is actually of a very low order, compared with that displayed among the inter lacustrine Bantu. However, they were the major iron workers of this area west of the Nile and Lake Albert. The Alur largely depended upon the Lendu and Madi. But the later tribes worked iron themselves also, whereas the Alur never did.

The Okebo feel themselves to be the most essential element in the social and economic life of their region, for without them, they say, the Alur would have starved, haing neither hoes nor wepons. just as the Alur like to compare themselves with Europeans for their politial skill, so the Okebo say that they and Europeans share the same marvellous secrets of metallurgy, though Europeas have now somewhat surpassed them. They have in fact given up making hoes for some time already in face of the competiotion of harder and lighter blades from the local shops. They still make soears, knives, arrows, grass slashers, and axes and adzes. So intensely were their tradional interests oriented upon metal working and its social implications, that their political subordination to the Alur counted for little beside it.

One is not so impressed by the prevalence of unrestricted violence among the Okebo as among the Lendu. Not only was their clan a wider group than that of the Lendu, but a somewhat superior order obtained between the sub clans within it. Like the lendu they show the most confused conception of their own social structure.

Lokang Jackson September 15, 2016


The Lendu are the largest of the non-Nilotic tribes which have contributed to the formation of Alur society. Their social structure is a variant of that found among the chiefless Sudanic peoples of the north-western Congo and the neighbouring parts of the southern Sudan, a type which has so far never been fully described. These peoples also pose the problem of tribal and cultural definition. They speak many mutually unintelliggible languages of extremely difficult tonal structure, though linguistic bounderies are only overlapping corridors of bilingualism and of greater changes in the frequency distribution of dialectal elements. Tucker, with good reason, refers to the Lendu as spitting rather than speaking their words.

In Uganda at the time of the Foreign annexation distinctively Lendu groups were in a numerical minority and were not administratively separated from the Alur. In the Congo the ratio of Alur of Lendu was very different and, the abolition of slavery still being a burning issue at that time, it was only natural that the system of Lenu serfdom to the Alur should also be energetically suppressed. Alur and Lendu were therefore concentrated in separate teritorial units, after the latter had been extracted from among the former, where necessary by force and against their will. However, the Lendu units so formed remained larger or smaller isolated pockets, and the territory of some Lendu administrative chiefs is a patch work scattered amidst that of hema and Alur. This disperaal of the Lendu became increasingly market as the lands in which the Alur were confined aproved inadequate for their increasing population, and more had to be alloted to them from territory originally conferred on the Lendu.

It is not surprising that a people of this type, with such numerical size and territorial extension and dispersion, should exhibit considerable differences of culture as well as language. No detailed information was obtained first hand from the Lendu Bindi, the southernmost section, nor do the documentary sources supply any of value. However, they came under the influence of the southern Hema and not the Alur.

The chiefdoms of Rutsi and Tsiritsi comprise a population of about 90,000, including those away from any traditional domination they, for the most part, claim that they were always independent, having only fought with and been laterly enslaved by the Alur. Against this testimony there is the following evidence: the Belgian administrators and administrative records asset that these Lendu were all found in some sort of subjection to Alur or Hema. Administrators are, of course, usually impressed by the best constituted authorities found in a region, and easily deceived aas to the real extend of their powers. In this case, however, it seems that the Belgians had too much close personal dealing with the situation to have been so deceived. They had to take active measures to separate the peoples by force, and record the refusal of many Lendu to leave their "protectors" willingly. They carried out unusually detailed studies of the composition of the larger Lendu groups, as well as of the Alur and Hema chiefdoms, as a basis for their regroupment. Later, when the Lendu began to realise the changed political conditions of colonial rule and the total destruction of the independent power of Alur and Hema, they began to realise th changed political conditions of colonial rule and the total destruction of the independent and the distinctness of their culture and language; to ape the parpjernalia of chiefsip which they learnt from the Alur and Hema; and to pretend that no other state of affairs had ever existed. Yet they actually call both the Alur of Jukoth, and the Hema, "zhi" which in Lendu means "rain" and the Lendu speaking Hema called them "matsabali" meaning "my people." The hema of Blukwa, who were rivals of the Alur and unlikely to exaggerate their influence, say that the Tsiritsi o not practise circumcision because they came from amog the Alur and lost the custom there. The Rutsi have been tradition of having come from Nebi, the heart of the early Alur settlement. The Uganda Lendu of Zeu say that they and their neighbours of the Walendu Watsi chiefdom were all under the domination of the Alur of either Ukuru or PaNduru.

The Lendu have only a very rudimentary awareness of the form of their own society, compared with the detailed accounts which Alur are prepared to give of theirs. Therefore if Alur are present they always try to speak for the less articulate Lendu in this matter! The Lendu constantly emphasise the place of fighting and violence in their traditional social system, and enguiries about the later always provoke endless mimicry if bow and arrow shooting and dodging, which seems to have left an indelible impression on all their recollections of the old life.

The most clearly defined social and territorial unit above the level of the family is the sub clan. Both Alur and, after them, Europeans have used the sub clan as the basic territorial unit of the Lendu for administratie purposes. In reality these groups are probably of very simi;ar type of the Alur, for they are localised groups which appear to have arisen mainly through segementation along agnatic lines; but the cohesion between segmented groups among the Lendu is so slight that very soon nothing remains except a vague idea of common origin and an inclusive name. Such groups are then left high and dry with an ideology of agnatic segmentation and genealogical knowledge so poor and contradictory that it cannot account for the relations of component lineages, let alone of the other sub clans of the same clan.

We have here a society in which the kinship system and the property relations of the family are as favourable to the development of an extensive segmentary lineage system as they are in case of the Alur, nor does any other pervasice principle of organisation substiture for it; and all that can be said is that the Lendu exhibit a form of social organisation smaller in scale and less efficient as a standardised mode of interrelationships regarded by the people as legitimate. I could discern no structural features which could account for this contrast; nor could it be due to any present or recent differences in the system of land tenure or cattle ownershp as betweeen them and the Alur. it cannot be explained by the narrownewss pf the Lendu field of exogamy, although this is clearly closely related to it, for this must itself reflect theories of sex and descent which are partly detained outside the present structural principles.

Supposing that the Lendu, as some of their traditions and those of other peoples about them suggest, were formerly a hunting and collecting people, living in small bands unable to maintain close contact, this would largely explain the lac of desire or ability to recollecting people, living in small bands unable to maintain close contact, this would largely explain the lack of desire or ability to recollect genealocial structure or to maintain a highly organised system to decent groups. It might also account for the lack of need or possiblity of an extensive field or exogamy. Could there be a "cultural lag" in this respect, governing the acceptance of changes such as settled residence, governing the acceptance of changes such as settle residend, keeping and inheritance, in such a way that they never formed the basis for extensive lineages as among the Alur? that the presence or absence of chiefship is insuffiecient to explain the difference in proved by the lineage systems of peoples closely related to the Alur and otherwise similar in culture such as the kenya Luo, who also have no chiefs. Perhaps what is here called "cultural lag" consists rather of certain ore obsecure cultural values, developed under quite different former conditions yet not methods which the ethnographer failed to notice. These speculations are only mentioned in order to raise an interesting problem to be borne in mind in relation to the material which follows