Pa Geri September 24, 2016

all things that comes to mind has security word attached to it e.g. food security, water security, money security, people security, animal security, education security, relationship security etc. Security does not come simply as it sound e.g. food security seems not real, but imagine you are in Juba now then that makes it even more important to you than anyone of them. For us to be secure we must feel safe, but from who? It could also mean when you are secured then they don't feel safe. If you have a UN arm forces guiding your population, the leaders e.g. local government try to make an agreement with them that the land they are on is proposed be used by local for farming, constructing school, hospital etc. You-the local governments have already managed to bring down the bad security and people are safe and we can manage our people from here. After that work on the agreement and make sure the population is safe not just on paper, but socially they-the people are too.

During war: During war both side make sure they kill as many as they could kill to reduce strength base on number and work their hardest to shut down supply routs, resources etc. There are at least two sides of enemies with strength understanding of each other. The points they make are contrary to each other and there is in most cases no direct links, but in other cases there wild agenda still differs.

After War: Wars are both accidental and planed. When war is fought, permanent enemy is created for generations to come. War in simple term is lazy way to solve and solvable problems e.g. Land issues rules, technology, understanding, reducing wasteful developments etc; distance between death and life-no war no unnecessary deaths; Show of strength; Resistance to retain; and prove of capability. In war, one side looses and the other gains, but reversible with time. War affects and does not heal simply, but keep a growing pains, anger, agony etc for generation because of memory of lives lost, properties, developments in comparison to opponents ect, but it is an optimism generator on the other side.

Peace: Peace is a natural thing because people who are peaceful are originally that way and warmongers are always originally that way. When both becomes achievement and celebrated that is when either side start getting sceptical of it. There is also another way to look at it, when warmongers are celebrating winning wars, then the peaceful will remember their lost at war that make both sides regain. We can get back to war when either the warmongers feels threaten or stronger. When the peaceful forget about war and concentrate on peace only that will make the warmonger gain. In short, it is always good to alternate and measure what has the enemy that way we can balance things and keep the world as it is.

Things to remember

  • After war there is no forgiveness
  • War does not differ base on race or location
  • If we have competition, we always will have no wars

Pa Geri September 22, 2016

Let history speak for itself. Wau had been and is till the most recognised strategic place in Southern Sudan since the very existence of us. They however, lost that recognition because at the time, tribes in Wau e.g. cholo, luwo, etc were regarded as nomadic and in their book it was written most violent people. Tribes like Luwo just has their tribe name written in word and is unforgettable. The Bari speakers e.g. Bari, Kuku, Pojulu, etc where very administrative and had skills for running a government. They were also peaceful in many ways and tend to solve their problems on table, but most of the Nilotic e.g. Luo and Ateker were warriors. They were fierce and always sceptical of insecurity not only that, they were always defensive because they were mostly farmers and so the nomadic(highland) of the time e.g. Nard, Dinka, Nuba etc would come for their water, destroy their crops, and most of all displace them. Europe don't like that because it seems same mindset and so are deemed dangerous. In the history of Luo and other Ateker, they fought a hard defensive war especially Acholi, Otuho, Lokoro, Lango etc. Juba then became the commercial and hence the capital now, but are the Bari speakers of then equals the Bari speakers of now? One thing we all have to know for sure is that, Juba won't be our capital city in the decade or so.

Pa Geri September 22, 2016

If you once had empire, kingdom, chiefdom, top leadership etc in your society, culture, country, etc you will always regain it back when you lost it. Major problem is when you cracked from inside - your people fighting each other. In only few decades, Pari has come off strong again and in many ways may regain Juba.

Juba: Many of you complains about Juba now especially the youth. I had been there myself and I walked that footstep. Nearly three decades ago(I was about 2 - 3 yrs old), Juba big businesses were still operated by Egyptians. In the 1980 particularly people before us remember the hanger, danger, in fights, etc happening in Juba. Anyanya one had just finished their battles. I remember going to the Egyptians' shops discussing and making friendship with with them during that. Many of them became my ultimate friends and even offer me any kind of food for free in spite of prizes of that time. I could speak to them like one of them and convince them like I worked with them before. I didn't have to do that let alone do I know what I was doing, but I have a feeling even now that I was working for my people and country. After that my family put me on a bike and dropped me back to the village without any opinion. I just found myself in the rural but caught up so fast and started straight away from there.

Sudan: Juba had been a city even before Anyanya. It was always remembered as a strategic place in Sudan. May I also tell you that, as true Africans you should be happy and proud that we have the current Khartoum government in office. Take a glance at the administration carefully, I guess what you will see is brothers and sisters now, not the Juwa abiet of the time.

South Sudan: South Sudan is now where we were After Milton Obote time. It was a time when we were cut off from central management system. You are left with guesses, no clear path, miss understanding and most time end up fighting and mind you during both, I went through them and I know what they are like.

Caution: Avoid thinking, associating, and working for money, earning big money, having a house, and owning things. You MUST think about what is needed to you as an individual then you can proceed to tribes and later government. Government should always be last on your mind. It is difficult to have a relative that asks for money, help, support etc especially to working members of that tribe than relatives who always work hard to defend their working men and women outside their society because doing that leaves the working with free options to what need be done with what they achieved. That way, you will always have security of your relative in your hand. Now, think exactly like that but put yourself as a government or government administrator. What would you do? Why not do it now?

Pa Geri September 21, 2016

One of the battles we fought and will never forget for generations to come. This battle will be remembered as wat obendo. On Luo side was the LRA(Lord resistance army), Burundi(hutu) and Uganda(Ankole) called M23 and central Africa republic called Mai Mail. The three groups defended and attacked whenever it is necessary. They attack when their public is endangered and defend when they are under attacked. This started at the time of what was called small mines of the East because leadership started to show some capitalist culture in Africa. In 2004 and 2005, Luo was too strong and could invade khartoum, central Africa republic, chat, and Congo at same time without any problem. Then the European came in support of both Mai Main and M23 pumping in ebola in LRA head quarter and sending in men on boot to help both M23 and Mai Mai. Luo was reduced and slowed drastically, that gave way to the other groups. We needed to regroup, this time with politic at forefront and defence following. Khartoum and Eastern Congo accepted but we are left with the rest of Congo and central Africa. Our defence had to punch holds to penetrate to enemy who are now 6 times stronger than we are. We had to have a system in place to manurer the battles. We engage all public, officials, the defence and anything usable thing we owned. That took us half a decade or so and now we are here. There is till a lot to be done even though we feel safe and secured. We now need to turn our attentions to watch our backs because that is where our next problems will meet us. Until then, battles shall never stop but tactics, logics, and intelligent system have to adopt as fast as possible and always try to counter and analyse them as fast and soon as possible. Last decades was defence, next may be education, health, development etc. Whatever it might be, keep your nose at their tail.

Pa Geri September 18, 2016

Clean in Acholi or Luo is the newest game ever played. In the old days we had the most worrying, dogie, dangerous and evil music you can find in our culture. I am not old enough to fully educated you on this matter, but I witnessed, danced, played instrument, organised and got involved in it from about 4 years old to 7. I later also got involved in the weaker version which is only one percent of the original. La Rwenya comparison is the current western Rock music including all acts. It was and is what we had learned and live with those days. All I see is now pretenders and weakest version off that popping out.

Pa Geri September 15, 2016

Okebo describe their tribal structure in terms of localised unilineal descent groups. Three levels of segementation appear to be important, and will be differentiated as clans, sub-clans, and lineages respectively. Exogamy is a mark of clanship, and therefore when two groups do not intermarry the presumption is that they belong to the same clan. However, complications arise from the fact that the obligation of exonomy ca arise in other ways, according to Okebo tradition. A sub clan often does not inter marry with sub clans which have long been settled around it, and with which sub clans which have long been settled around it, and with which close relationships have developed, even though they are known to belong to a different clan. Such sub clans, which are thus isolated among members of another clan, are often reffered to as members of that clan, and only persistent enquiry elicits the response that in fact they used to belong to another clan. In this situation a sub clan. In this situation a sub clan may be claimed by two different clans, and it may be claimed by to different clans, and may actually observe exogamy with both, or parts of both. But it may well be supposed that affiliation with the clan from which such a sub clan has become isolated may eventually be forgotten, and exogamy no longer observed. Some sub clans mention the fact that a certain sub clan fed them in a famine, and that therefore they will not marry into sub clan, although they do not admint to being members of the same clan.

On the other hand, the obligation of exogamy may lapse with respect to a particular sub clan, although it continues to claim the same clan affiliation. This is due to wrongs arising between one sub clan and another, especially the begetting of a bastard by a boy of the one on a girl of the other, or fighting between them for any other cause. This may lead to one sub clan inter marrying with all the rest of the clan, or losided inter marriage between certain sub clans and not others within the same clan. The reader is referred to the appendix at the end of the book, where the main Okebo clans and sub clans are listed, and examples of all these situations noted.

An isolated sub clan may, in effect, become a clan in relation to the surrounding groups, though it remains a sub clan in relation to distant sub clans with whom clan affiliation is still recognised by both sides. the greater part of the Okebo now occupy a fairly continuous stretc of territory, though many sub clans are still scattered about all over the Alur country, and naturally these are often ignorant of their clan affiliation in relation to the main mass of Okebo. Within the main territory of the Okebo there are several fairly large clans, of which a number of sub clans are settled continuously to one another. It is the sub clans which are settled some distance from the main territory of their clan, though still among other Okebo sub clanss, of which a number of sub clans are settled contingously to one another. It is the sub clans which are settled some distance from the main territory of their clan, though still among other Okebo sub clans of heterogeneous clan affiliation, which enter into the various assymmetrical inter group relationships mentioned above. Some of the Okebo sub clans most influenced by the Alur have

addopted praised cries on the Alur pattern, and these often indicate past associations with other Okebo groups for which there is now no coherent explanation.

The greater part of the clans of membi Ondhikuru and Abaji, with some sub clans of Yu, are settled in an almost continuous belt with some sub clans of yu, are settled in an almost continuous belt along the western border of Ukuru, constituting a population of about five thousand. Other parts of these clans are found as comparatively isolated sub clans or sections of sub clans in various parts of Alurland. The Avare are the main clan in the present Congo Okebo county of Ndo Avare which comprises a vast area to the north west, settle at the very low desity for this region of well under ten to the square mile. The other clns are mainly found in the other congo Okebo county of Ndo Okebo, which lies to South Avare on the west bank of the Kibali river.

Some of the groups in the distant county of Ndo Avare never came into intimate contact with the Alur. They are, moreover, ethnically transitional, being influenced by or mixed with their further neighbours, the Mamvu Lese and Logo, Just as in other quarters the Okebo have been interepenetrated by Madi and Lendu or assimilated to the Alur.

The clans of Kari, Ndhebu, Ngoza and Abira did not work iron, which is regarded by most Okebo as the typical characteristic of their culture, and, indeed, their outstanding achievement.

The numerical relation of the Okebo to the Alur was much lower than that of the Lendu, and the proportion of the tribe coming under Alur influenced and the strength and result of that influence seems to have been greater in the former than in the latter case. For this reason it is more difficult to give an account of the Okebo kingship and political system as wholly distinct from that of the Alur, especially as the now separated organised Okebo of the Congo inevitably took the Alur political system as their model, while Okebo groups which came under least Alur influence are ethnically transitional in other directions and so equally under presentative of a distinctive Okebo system. However, the Alur concerned are well aware of the varying extend to which different parts of the Okebo population have become Alurised; nor did it take me long to distinguish this myself, and in the following account the distinctive features of what is admittedly a hybrid culture are, I think, quite plain.

The Okebo are patrilineal and patrilocal. Clans are in theory strickly exogamous. The size of their exogamous groups this contrasts strikingly with that of the Lendu whose practice of exogamy extends to the sub clans only. Furthermore, Okebo and Lendu sub clans are of approximately the same size, and there are many more of them in each of the Okebo clans than there are in those of the Lendu. As among

the Lendu, the older informants, and those who in other respects inspire confidence, give only very short genealogies. The lengthy ones given by others sometimes indicate long standing Alurisation as in the case of the Abaji, or else a purely recent attempt to get even with neighbouring tribes of which the lengthy genealogies do not usually express the relationships of sub clans, or give any unity in this respect to the clan. Some intermediate named groupings are claimed between variou sub clans, but have no practical significance beyond the possible expression of feelings of closer unity between them than with the rest. Sub clans contain lineages usually of three or four generations depth from living elders to the point beyond which they tend to become confused or to fade out, or, failing to remember any other authentic ancestros, fall back upon the name of the lineage or even of the sub clan or clan itself.

In lendu social organisation emphasis falls most heavily upon the sub clan as a group, less upon clan,a dn only very vaguely upon the shadowy groupings beyond that level. This attitude schema twords the large scalre framework of sociey is similar to that found in segmentary lineage systems which consist of widening fields of relationship corresponding to diminising strength and precision of obligation is too restricted to justify its inclusion in this type of society. In Okebo social organisation, again, the strongest emphasis falls upon the sub clan, and beyond that on the clan, but Okebo clanship is both fairly well defined and stands at the very outside limit of awareness of the kinship framework, and the only other large scale structural relationships are the ill defined groupings intermediate between sub clan and clan. This structural orientaion belongs rather to the type normal in social systems based on clans which are regarded as more or less absolute in time, and not normally subject to the changes of configuration resulting from segmentary processes. It thus seems to me that the structural orientaions of Lendu and Okebo society belong to two different conceptual types, but the restricted scope of social organisation in both societies limits also the significance of this distinction. In both, part from the wider systems into which they were partially integrated by other tribes, the greater part of social life was conceptually framed within the structure of sub clans and their component lineages, groupings which were of roughly comparable size in both societies.

Okebo clans, like those of the Lendu and Alur, use the term ambab of one another, but they have no special term for sub clans as the Lendu have. Clans recognised no common bonds except those of interlocking consanquinity resulting from intermarriage, and regarded their normal relation as that of war. This, however, meat less than in the case of the Lendu since the Okebo clans were so large, and consequently most sub clans belonging to different clans were comparatively far apart. Otherwise, much of what was said in general about the Lendu applies to the Okebo also. They too were, in the Congo but not in Uganda, as far as possible disengaged fromt= the Alur by the Belgians and set up with chiefs of their own. They do not for the most part attempt to deny their past relations with the Alur. All their pride is concentrated upon their achievements as iron workers. Their skill in this respect is actually of a very low order, compared with that displayed among the inter lacustrine Bantu. However, they were the major iron workers of this area west of the Nile and Lake Albert. The Alur largely depended upon the Lendu and Madi. But the later tribes worked iron themselves also, whereas the Alur never did.

The Okebo feel themselves to be the most essential element in the social and economic life of their region, for without them, they say, the Alur would have starved, haing neither hoes nor wepons. just as the Alur like to compare themselves with Europeans for their politial skill, so the Okebo say that they and Europeans share the same marvellous secrets of metallurgy, though Europeas have now somewhat surpassed them. They have in fact given up making hoes for some time already in face of the competiotion of harder and lighter blades from the local shops. They still make soears, knives, arrows, grass slashers, and axes and adzes. So intensely were their tradional interests oriented upon metal working and its social implications, that their political subordination to the Alur counted for little beside it.

One is not so impressed by the prevalence of unrestricted violence among the Okebo as among the Lendu. Not only was their clan a wider group than that of the Lendu, but a somewhat superior order obtained between the sub clans within it. Like the lendu they show the most confused conception of their own social structure.

Pa Geri September 15, 2016

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF LENDU SOCIETY

The Lendu are the largest of the non-Nilotic tribes which have contributed to the formation of Alur society. Their social structure is a variant of that found among the chiefless Sudanic peoples of the north-western Congo and the neighbouring parts of the southern Sudan, a type which has so far never been fully described. These peoples also pose the problem of tribal and cultural definition. They speak many mutually unintelliggible languages of extremely difficult tonal structure, though linguistic bounderies are only overlapping corridors of bilingualism and of greater changes in the frequency distribution of dialectal elements. Tucker, with good reason, refers to the Lendu as spitting rather than speaking their words.

In Uganda at the time of the Foreign annexation distinctively Lendu groups were in a numerical minority and were not administratively separated from the Alur. In the Congo the ratio of Alur of Lendu was very different and, the abolition of slavery still being a burning issue at that time, it was only natural that the system of Lenu serfdom to the Alur should also be energetically suppressed. Alur and Lendu were therefore concentrated in separate teritorial units, after the latter had been extracted from among the former, where necessary by force and against their will. However, the Lendu units so formed remained larger or smaller isolated pockets, and the territory of some Lendu administrative chiefs is a patch work scattered amidst that of hema and Alur. This disperaal of the Lendu became increasingly market as the lands in which the Alur were confined aproved inadequate for their increasing population, and more had to be alloted to them from territory originally conferred on the Lendu.

It is not surprising that a people of this type, with such numerical size and territorial extension and dispersion, should exhibit considerable differences of culture as well as language. No detailed information was obtained first hand from the Lendu Bindi, the southernmost section, nor do the documentary sources supply any of value. However, they came under the influence of the southern Hema and not the Alur.

The chiefdoms of Rutsi and Tsiritsi comprise a population of about 90,000, including those away from any traditional domination they, for the most part, claim that they were always independent, having only fought with and been laterly enslaved by the Alur. Against this testimony there is the following evidence: the Belgian administrators and administrative records asset that these Lendu were all found in some sort of subjection to Alur or Hema. Administrators are, of course, usually impressed by the best constituted authorities found in a region, and easily deceived aas to the real extend of their powers. In this case, however, it seems that the Belgians had too much close personal dealing with the situation to have been so deceived. They had to take active measures to separate the peoples by force, and record the refusal of many Lendu to leave their "protectors" willingly. They carried out unusually detailed studies of the composition of the larger Lendu groups, as well as of the Alur and Hema chiefdoms, as a basis for their regroupment. Later, when the Lendu began to realise the changed political conditions of colonial rule and the total destruction of the independent power of Alur and Hema, they began to realise th changed political conditions of colonial rule and the total destruction of the independent and the distinctness of their culture and language; to ape the parpjernalia of chiefsip which they learnt from the Alur and Hema; and to pretend that no other state of affairs had ever existed. Yet they actually call both the Alur of Jukoth, and the Hema, "zhi" which in Lendu means "rain" and the Lendu speaking Hema called them "matsabali" meaning "my people." The hema of Blukwa, who were rivals of the Alur and unlikely to exaggerate their influence, say that the Tsiritsi o not practise circumcision because they came from amog the Alur and lost the custom there. The Rutsi have been tradition of having come from Nebi, the heart of the early Alur settlement. The Uganda Lendu of Zeu say that they and their neighbours of the Walendu Watsi chiefdom were all under the domination of the Alur of either Ukuru or PaNduru.

The Lendu have only a very rudimentary awareness of the form of their own society, compared with the detailed accounts which Alur are prepared to give of theirs. Therefore if Alur are present they always try to speak for the less articulate Lendu in this matter! The Lendu constantly emphasise the place of fighting and violence in their traditional social system, and enguiries about the later always provoke endless mimicry if bow and arrow shooting and dodging, which seems to have left an indelible impression on all their recollections of the old life.

The most clearly defined social and territorial unit above the level of the family is the sub clan. Both Alur and, after them, Europeans have used the sub clan as the basic territorial unit of the Lendu for administratie purposes. In reality these groups are probably of very simi;ar type of the Alur, for they are localised groups which appear to have arisen mainly through segementation along agnatic lines; but the cohesion between segmented groups among the Lendu is so slight that very soon nothing remains except a vague idea of common origin and an inclusive name. Such groups are then left high and dry with an ideology of agnatic segmentation and genealogical knowledge so poor and contradictory that it cannot account for the relations of component lineages, let alone of the other sub clans of the same clan.

We have here a society in which the kinship system and the property relations of the family are as favourable to the development of an extensive segmentary lineage system as they are in case of the Alur, nor does any other pervasice principle of organisation substiture for it; and all that can be said is that the Lendu exhibit a form of social organisation smaller in scale and less efficient as a standardised mode of interrelationships regarded by the people as legitimate. I could discern no structural features which could account for this contrast; nor could it be due to any present or recent differences in the system of land tenure or cattle ownershp as betweeen them and the Alur. it cannot be explained by the narrownewss pf the Lendu field of exogamy, although this is clearly closely related to it, for this must itself reflect theories of sex and descent which are partly detained outside the present structural principles.

Supposing that the Lendu, as some of their traditions and those of other peoples about them suggest, were formerly a hunting and collecting people, living in small bands unable to maintain close contact, this would largely explain the lac of desire or ability to recollecting people, living in small bands unable to maintain close contact, this would largely explain the lack of desire or ability to recollect genealocial structure or to maintain a highly organised system to decent groups. It might also account for the lack of need or possiblity of an extensive field or exogamy. Could there be a "cultural lag" in this respect, governing the acceptance of changes such as settled residence, governing the acceptance of changes such as settle residend, keeping and inheritance, in such a way that they never formed the basis for extensive lineages as among the Alur? that the presence or absence of chiefship is insuffiecient to explain the difference in proved by the lineage systems of peoples closely related to the Alur and otherwise similar in culture such as the kenya Luo, who also have no chiefs. Perhaps what is here called "cultural lag" consists rather of certain ore obsecure cultural values, developed under quite different former conditions yet not methods which the ethnographer failed to notice. These speculations are only mentioned in order to raise an interesting problem to be borne in mind in relation to the material which follows

Pa Geri September 15, 2016
The northen part of Congo Alurland, forming the chiefdoms of Juganda and the Alurised part of tthose Ndo-Avare, Ndo-Okebo and Lendu-Watsi, is simply the extension westward of the highland belt as described; while the sourthern section of this belt includes the chiefdoms of PaNduru, War, Angal, Jukoth and mambisa, as well as most of Lendu Rutsi and Tsiritsi and the Hema of Blukwa. As one moves south along the Nile to lake Albert, the mountains approach closer to the shores, and from the sourthern part of Panyikwango onwards they fall steeply into the water leaving no coastal plain at all except round the mouths of rivers such as kakoyi and Jangoba. There are therefore no lowlands clan sections as such, but here and there families concentrating upon fishing live in small strips and enclaves of shores beneath the cliffs, able at the same time to utilise suitable land in the mountains above.

Similarly the midland belt disappears as an exclusive region south of Abira in Angal, and is represented only by valleys such as Ca and Kakoyi and plateaux such as Mukambo, where reach both of terrain characteristic of highlands and also of lowland country. Whereas in the north the three regards themselves as distinct and are regarded as such by groups which regard themselves as distinct and are regared as such by other people, in the south shore-dwellers are only pockets in communities centred upon the hills and valleys above, and the term "midlands" refers only the restricted localities in a terrain including much higher and much lower country. The three belts or zones still exist but in a very overlapping sense. Alur linguistic usage shows this in its relative use of the terms Junam (river or lakes dwellers) and Jumalo(higlands). On the other hand in the Lendu Hema country of Territoire de Djugu, which largely falls within the conceptual orbit or Alur social life, the same would not be true, for the land rises at once from the lake to an average height of 7,000 feet within a couple of miles of the shore, and behind this the whole region consists of rolling hills and valleys varying from about 5,000 to 7,000 feet characterised by highland conditions through in respect of temperature, rainfall, disease, crops and calttle keeping. In this high country, however, there is no cassava; maize is the dominant crop and foodstuff, and there is a considerable production of European vegetables for the local market.

Pa Geri September 15, 2016

Local government, in the usage law and administration, has not meant the administration of the people by the Nyamparas, headmen, wakils and sultans, but primarily the evolution of the central organisation of Districts, or which these were assumed as the local agents. It is a matter of a degree, for in Uganda provinces, Districts, counties and sub-counties all have define statutory powers in a descending order of competence. But from the point of view of the protectorate Government and Districts are the primary local units, and the Provinces are mainly a co-ordinating organisation for the Districts rather than a district level of jurisdiction, as may be seen in the fact that appeal from the District ourt lies to the High Court of Uganda and not to a provincial Court. Historically, also, the Districts were the smalles units with a European administrator in responsible charge of them, and hence received sharp definition. Though this is still true, the District level no longer coincides so rigidly with the distinction of race, since Africans are now gaining promotion in most government Departments, though not as yet in that of the Administration itself. The objective slowly emerged of establishing, under the guidance of the District commisioner, a district Authority, with an African personnel, enjoying financial autonomy based on a growing annual income derived from a proportion of local revenue, and executively responsible for an ever increasing number of local matters. This was to provide an avenue for African experience and training in general local government, in methods of democratic election for which it would be a focus, and in legislative work of local importance.

The symbolic separation of the African Local Government offices as Arua in a building removed from the offices of the District more talk and less hard work, but also the development of a genuinely self imposed discipline and routine among the African officials. it is the first concrete step in bringing home to the Africans that the show is theirs, in a way that has so far not been possible in the rural areas.

As already noted, the Alur and Lugbara councils, whic had already existed for some years as advisory to the District commisioner, agreed to amalgamate in 1941, though they remain separate for purposes of the determination of tribal custom. The whom were elected annually as president and vice president, representative wakils and nominated members from each county. During the folloing years the Council began to hear estimates of finance, to appoint annually a standing and finance committee, and to send representatives to the newly-constituted provincial councils were to consist of the sultan as ex officio chairman, all wakils ex offiio, an elected memeveer from each sub-country, and extra unofficial members nominated by the district commissioner, five in Okoro and two in Jonam. Similarly, sub-county councils were to consist of the wakil as chairman, all headmen and nyamparas, and the heads or agreed representatives of localised clan sections.

All matters of public importance were aired in th District Council, including the amalgamation of jurisdictions, dismissals or promotions of chiefs, changes in tribal law, and development projects. The council passed resolutions, which had to be approved by the District and provincial commisioners and could then be embodied in administrative orders having the force of law.

Despite the possibility that members would be reluctant to express themselves freely in a body still completely under the ultimate control of European government officials, the council resolutions from 1939 onwards give a vivid idea of the preoccupations of tribal leaders. Among many miscellaneous matters considered three themes persistenly recur: attempts by sultans to secure economic benefits for themselves and to avoid relinguishing them to the African Local govenment treasury; constant efforts to pass draconian legislation against witches and sorcerers; and proposals to increase the penalties for abduction, adultery and seduction, penalising the woman rather than the man wherever possible.

Under the new system, all local proposals are discussed at the various sub country councils, and those approved for forwarding are presented at the county council by each wakil. There can be no question of the value of an officially recognised safety valve for the expression of all matters about which there may be strong popular feeling. As effective organs of deliberation, popular election, and, at District level, legislation, the council have not had time to aprove themselves. They do not arous marked enthusiasm from the Alur indivual, and it is rather accentric elders whom I have heard wishing that their particular wakil's council met more often, in rivalry with that of the adjacent wakil. However, most men speak of the councils with definite approval, saving that it is good for them to meet and to improve the country. It did not take the unofficial members long to begin clamouring for pay, and, indeed, members of county councils are put to considerable inconvenience, having to walk long distances and often being summoned to the council on the wrong day.

Of course, the average individual cannot credit the fact that these councils are officially intended to develop into organs of local government by the people themselves, of whom chiefs, clerks, police, and all the other familiar personnel will be merely the paid servants, and to whom they will be responsible, and not to the District commisioner in person. At the county councils the official members are noticeably dominant, and in general if the unofficial members are genuinely chosen by the people it is not to be expected that they will aslo yet be a match for the official members. They are at a disadvanteage in familiarity with formal council procedure, and lack the wide experience of the wkils, who sit beside them, in the general problems and working of the administration. At the level below, in the sub county councils, this does not matter so much, for these have more the character of assemblies of perons who are mainly kinsmen or neighbours who know one another in daily life. Proceedings are more informatl, and the gulf between official members, at this level the headmen, and ordinary family heads is in all respects slight. The District council has also, until recently, been dominated by the sultans who are its most important and numerous official members, andwho have usually been among the most forceful personalitites of their areas; but there are now in the district council several unofficial members with a background of experience in school teaching, trade, or other extra-tribal activity which enables them to speak with confidence and independence in the presnence of the sultans.

Though the councils system is in theoru the beginning of a purified system of government, leading to the integration of local with central government through series of electoral colleges, and not to separate parralel systems of central and local government, it has in fact for the moment introduced a third force into the administration of the District. The District commissioner, with his European assistants and his bureaucratic staff, and the associated local bureaucracies of the specilaised departments of the central government medical, agricukture, veterinary, forestry, public works and police form on element which, both formally and informally, wakils, headmen and nyamparas forms a second element with a strong common outlook, resting heavily upon the traditional position of tribal authorities and its enduring grip upon the majority of people. The third force consists of the growing bureaucracy of the African Local Government secretaries, treasurers, store keepers, clerks, drivers and other employees, who represent a wholely new element in society, which must in the long run have interests divergent both from those of the central govenment officals and of the loca executive hierarchy.

There are, of course, many interesting lins and cross currents between these three elements. The excutive hierarchy actually has, in the sultan and wakils, a majority membership of the District Council which, subject to the District commisioner's approval, is begining to control the appointment of the executie hierarchy itself and also of the African Local Government bureaucracy. The growing numbers of Africans in the local bureaucray of the central government are, by their background and general social life, tied more closely to the African Local Government bureaucracy than to their European colleagues. But all these three different elements impinge upon the life of the ordinary Alur peasant in a different way.

The relation between the powers of the local bureaucracy of the central government, the African Local Government and the local executive hierarchy is peculiar, and at many points confusing. By law, the sultans, wakils and headmen retain all the powers of their pre-European protypes which have not been specifically taken away from them or condemned by implication under the repugnancy clause. Their powers are thus undefined, and vary from one part of the District to another. The powers of the central government bureaucracy, and more especially if the District commisioner and his assistants, are defiened by protectorate law, but in practice are so wide as to be in many important contexts effectively undefined, and controlled only by precedent and common sense. The African Local government has as yet excercised very little real power, but, if the reasons for its establishment are to be justified, it must be destined for increasingly extensive powers in the future.

Pa Geri September 15, 2016

The powers of chiefs are legally defined by the Uganda Native Authority Ordinance. Although there was a combination of new and old features, the general principle was that the status, powers and duties of chiefs were to be exactly as they had been under conditions of indpendence inso far as they were "not repugnant to morality or justic" and had not been otherwise restricted or added to by the foreign Administration. Thus chiefs were to maintain order both by new conferred powers and by virtue of "any law or native custom for the time being in force"; and they were to issue order both with respect to native law and custom and for a large number of newly-defined purposes. These latter comprised the restriction of liquor, drinking bouts, noxious plats, and the carrying of arms; the prohibition of any conduct likely to cause a breach of peace; the prevention of water pollution and the wasteful cutting of timeber; the employment of male natives for restricted periods on various public works; the prevention tax evasion, the control of human or animal dieases, the reporting to another, the control of human or animal diseases, the reporting of stolen property, the provision of food for sale to govenment officials on tour, the prevention of unfair eviction, and any other purpose which the Governor might authorise by rule. Furthermore, chiefs might be directed to make or cancel orders under any of these heads by the provincial or District commissioner. Chiefs might employ persons to assist them in the exercise of any of these powers, and they could require the attendance before them of anyone under their jurisdiction. They also had special powers of requiring movement, labour or cultivation for the prevention of famine. By chief is understood "any native chief who is recognised as such by the Government, or, subject to any orders of the Government, any native chief who is recognised as such by the tribe over which or over part of which he has jurisdiction and includes, except where such an interpretation is repugnant to the context, any body of chiefs exercising collective authority. This covers without discrimination all levels of native political authority of sufficient importance to gain recognition at all. All details as to the system of subordination, number of grades of chiefs and division of powers between them, are left for decision on the spot by the District permits considerable variety, and few chiefs have identical power. Between them, are left for decision at all. All details as to the system of subordination, number of grades of chief and division of powers between them, are left for decision on the spot by the District commissioner with the provincial commissioner's sanction. This pessimists considerable variety, and few chiefs have identical powers. It is clear that during the early years of the establishment of British domination the reportion of chief's powers and duties which stemmed from native law and custom remained very large. As control became more effective this sphere was progressively restricted, and more recently its relative importance has been reduced still further by the ever-growing complexity of modern administration resulting from economic development and the accumulation of local bye-law concerned with marriage, markets cash crops, rules for cultivation, and so on. Chiefs are subject to fairly heavy punishment for failing in any of their duties. They are liable to a fine of not more than 600s or imprisonment for not more than six months for failing to keep appointment with a Government official; neglecting their powers for preventing offenses, bringing offenders to justice or recovering stolen property; failing to issue, enforce, or cancel orders as directed; failing to carry out lawful orders of a superior chief or abusing their authority under native law or custom. Technical offenses under these regulations must occur fairly frequently, but the rigor of the law has only been visited on them in rare flagrant cases. However, during the first few years a number of wakils were taken to the district header quarters at Arua for "courses of correction." One was goaled for desertion, and in another case three headmen received twenty-four lashes for bad road work.

The sultans were the highest native authorities, mediating the new administration from the European officers to their tribal. The wakils constitued the courts of first instance from the official point of view and bore the primary local responsibility for administration. Headmen were granted no officially recognised judicial functions, though there was no objection to their excercising whatever powers of arbitration their status and personal ability conferred on them. In the main their job was to carry out the instructions of the wakils in each ward of his sub-county and the the nyampara were their agents in this

It was the two most powerful chiefs of the Uganda Alur who were choosen as the first sultans. All the first wakils were appointed from among the tradtional chiefs and chieflets, or their sons, excepts in the case of parombo, which was such a large localised clan section that its head became wakils, and Erusi sub-county which had and ex-askari of th First World War as its first wakil. On the other hand, headmen have most frequently been the heads of localised clan sections.

Chiefly lines which failed to obtain the office of Sultan usually found recognition as wakils. On subsequent amalgamation some at the same time, amalgamation of headmen was going on, and, as a result, many headmen who had held office by virtue of clan headship the dignity of a headman or clan head to accept the job of nyampara as an alternative. Besides loss to the desire of the Government to introduce non-hereditary office holders with suitable qualifications. This was sometimes acieved when a herditary office holder had to be dismissed for a minor offences or imcompetence, or when he retired or died. More commonly office holders ceased to hold office owing to a combination of old, readiness to retire, and pressure from the Distrct commisioner to reduce the importance of the hereditary principle in office desire to reduce the importance of the hereditary principle in office holding made very little progress during the first thirty years of administration. To an increasing extend hereditary office holders had to be prepared for transfer, ruling in areas other than their own, though within the same county. But office holders to be very largely drawn from families forward to equal them in ability to rule. The families of chiefs holding the office of sultan exercised a wide degree of control over the system as a whole, with many sons or other close agnatic relatives holding office as wakils or headmen. In 1951 the four wakils of Jonam county all had hereditary claims to political office, though not neccessarily in the areas where they were excercising it, and four out of the eight Okoro wakils also had hereditary claims.