2016 — Okobi

Lokang Jackson September 15, 2016


The Lendu are the largest of the non-Nilotic tribes which have contributed to the formation of Alur society. Their social structure is a variant of that found among the chiefless Sudanic peoples of the north-western Congo and the neighbouring parts of the southern Sudan, a type which has so far never been fully described. These peoples also pose the problem of tribal and cultural definition. They speak many mutually unintelliggible languages of extremely difficult tonal structure, though linguistic bounderies are only overlapping corridors of bilingualism and of greater changes in the frequency distribution of dialectal elements. Tucker, with good reason, refers to the Lendu as spitting rather than speaking their words.

In Uganda at the time of the Foreign annexation distinctively Lendu groups were in a numerical minority and were not administratively separated from the Alur. In the Congo the ratio of Alur of Lendu was very different and, the abolition of slavery still being a burning issue at that time, it was only natural that the system of Lenu serfdom to the Alur should also be energetically suppressed. Alur and Lendu were therefore concentrated in separate teritorial units, after the latter had been extracted from among the former, where necessary by force and against their will. However, the Lendu units so formed remained larger or smaller isolated pockets, and the territory of some Lendu administrative chiefs is a patch work scattered amidst that of hema and Alur. This disperaal of the Lendu became increasingly market as the lands in which the Alur were confined aproved inadequate for their increasing population, and more had to be alloted to them from territory originally conferred on the Lendu.

It is not surprising that a people of this type, with such numerical size and territorial extension and dispersion, should exhibit considerable differences of culture as well as language. No detailed information was obtained first hand from the Lendu Bindi, the southernmost section, nor do the documentary sources supply any of value. However, they came under the influence of the southern Hema and not the Alur.

The chiefdoms of Rutsi and Tsiritsi comprise a population of about 90,000, including those away from any traditional domination they, for the most part, claim that they were always independent, having only fought with and been laterly enslaved by the Alur. Against this testimony there is the following evidence: the Belgian administrators and administrative records asset that these Lendu were all found in some sort of subjection to Alur or Hema. Administrators are, of course, usually impressed by the best constituted authorities found in a region, and easily deceived aas to the real extend of their powers. In this case, however, it seems that the Belgians had too much close personal dealing with the situation to have been so deceived. They had to take active measures to separate the peoples by force, and record the refusal of many Lendu to leave their "protectors" willingly. They carried out unusually detailed studies of the composition of the larger Lendu groups, as well as of the Alur and Hema chiefdoms, as a basis for their regroupment. Later, when the Lendu began to realise the changed political conditions of colonial rule and the total destruction of the independent power of Alur and Hema, they began to realise th changed political conditions of colonial rule and the total destruction of the independent and the distinctness of their culture and language; to ape the parpjernalia of chiefsip which they learnt from the Alur and Hema; and to pretend that no other state of affairs had ever existed. Yet they actually call both the Alur of Jukoth, and the Hema, "zhi" which in Lendu means "rain" and the Lendu speaking Hema called them "matsabali" meaning "my people." The hema of Blukwa, who were rivals of the Alur and unlikely to exaggerate their influence, say that the Tsiritsi o not practise circumcision because they came from amog the Alur and lost the custom there. The Rutsi have been tradition of having come from Nebi, the heart of the early Alur settlement. The Uganda Lendu of Zeu say that they and their neighbours of the Walendu Watsi chiefdom were all under the domination of the Alur of either Ukuru or PaNduru.

The Lendu have only a very rudimentary awareness of the form of their own society, compared with the detailed accounts which Alur are prepared to give of theirs. Therefore if Alur are present they always try to speak for the less articulate Lendu in this matter! The Lendu constantly emphasise the place of fighting and violence in their traditional social system, and enguiries about the later always provoke endless mimicry if bow and arrow shooting and dodging, which seems to have left an indelible impression on all their recollections of the old life.

The most clearly defined social and territorial unit above the level of the family is the sub clan. Both Alur and, after them, Europeans have used the sub clan as the basic territorial unit of the Lendu for administratie purposes. In reality these groups are probably of very simi;ar type of the Alur, for they are localised groups which appear to have arisen mainly through segementation along agnatic lines; but the cohesion between segmented groups among the Lendu is so slight that very soon nothing remains except a vague idea of common origin and an inclusive name. Such groups are then left high and dry with an ideology of agnatic segmentation and genealogical knowledge so poor and contradictory that it cannot account for the relations of component lineages, let alone of the other sub clans of the same clan.

We have here a society in which the kinship system and the property relations of the family are as favourable to the development of an extensive segmentary lineage system as they are in case of the Alur, nor does any other pervasice principle of organisation substiture for it; and all that can be said is that the Lendu exhibit a form of social organisation smaller in scale and less efficient as a standardised mode of interrelationships regarded by the people as legitimate. I could discern no structural features which could account for this contrast; nor could it be due to any present or recent differences in the system of land tenure or cattle ownershp as betweeen them and the Alur. it cannot be explained by the narrownewss pf the Lendu field of exogamy, although this is clearly closely related to it, for this must itself reflect theories of sex and descent which are partly detained outside the present structural principles.

Supposing that the Lendu, as some of their traditions and those of other peoples about them suggest, were formerly a hunting and collecting people, living in small bands unable to maintain close contact, this would largely explain the lac of desire or ability to recollecting people, living in small bands unable to maintain close contact, this would largely explain the lack of desire or ability to recollect genealocial structure or to maintain a highly organised system to decent groups. It might also account for the lack of need or possiblity of an extensive field or exogamy. Could there be a "cultural lag" in this respect, governing the acceptance of changes such as settled residence, governing the acceptance of changes such as settle residend, keeping and inheritance, in such a way that they never formed the basis for extensive lineages as among the Alur? that the presence or absence of chiefship is insuffiecient to explain the difference in proved by the lineage systems of peoples closely related to the Alur and otherwise similar in culture such as the kenya Luo, who also have no chiefs. Perhaps what is here called "cultural lag" consists rather of certain ore obsecure cultural values, developed under quite different former conditions yet not methods which the ethnographer failed to notice. These speculations are only mentioned in order to raise an interesting problem to be borne in mind in relation to the material which follows

Lokang Jackson September 15, 2016
The northen part of Congo Alurland, forming the chiefdoms of Juganda and the Alurised part of tthose Ndo-Avare, Ndo-Okebo and Lendu-Watsi, is simply the extension westward of the highland belt as described; while the sourthern section of this belt includes the chiefdoms of PaNduru, War, Angal, Jukoth and mambisa, as well as most of Lendu Rutsi and Tsiritsi and the Hema of Blukwa. As one moves south along the Nile to lake Albert, the mountains approach closer to the shores, and from the sourthern part of Panyikwango onwards they fall steeply into the water leaving no coastal plain at all except round the mouths of rivers such as kakoyi and Jangoba. There are therefore no lowlands clan sections as such, but here and there families concentrating upon fishing live in small strips and enclaves of shores beneath the cliffs, able at the same time to utilise suitable land in the mountains above.

Similarly the midland belt disappears as an exclusive region south of Abira in Angal, and is represented only by valleys such as Ca and Kakoyi and plateaux such as Mukambo, where reach both of terrain characteristic of highlands and also of lowland country. Whereas in the north the three regards themselves as distinct and are regarded as such by groups which regard themselves as distinct and are regared as such by other people, in the south shore-dwellers are only pockets in communities centred upon the hills and valleys above, and the term "midlands" refers only the restricted localities in a terrain including much higher and much lower country. The three belts or zones still exist but in a very overlapping sense. Alur linguistic usage shows this in its relative use of the terms Junam (river or lakes dwellers) and Jumalo(higlands). On the other hand in the Lendu Hema country of Territoire de Djugu, which largely falls within the conceptual orbit or Alur social life, the same would not be true, for the land rises at once from the lake to an average height of 7,000 feet within a couple of miles of the shore, and behind this the whole region consists of rolling hills and valleys varying from about 5,000 to 7,000 feet characterised by highland conditions through in respect of temperature, rainfall, disease, crops and calttle keeping. In this high country, however, there is no cassava; maize is the dominant crop and foodstuff, and there is a considerable production of European vegetables for the local market.

Lokang Jackson September 15, 2016

Local government, in the usage law and administration, has not meant the administration of the people by the Nyamparas, headmen, wakils and sultans, but primarily the evolution of the central organisation of Districts, or which these were assumed as the local agents. It is a matter of a degree, for in Uganda provinces, Districts, counties and sub-counties all have define statutory powers in a descending order of competence. But from the point of view of the protectorate Government and Districts are the primary local units, and the Provinces are mainly a co-ordinating organisation for the Districts rather than a district level of jurisdiction, as may be seen in the fact that appeal from the District ourt lies to the High Court of Uganda and not to a provincial Court. Historically, also, the Districts were the smalles units with a European administrator in responsible charge of them, and hence received sharp definition. Though this is still true, the District level no longer coincides so rigidly with the distinction of race, since Africans are now gaining promotion in most government Departments, though not as yet in that of the Administration itself. The objective slowly emerged of establishing, under the guidance of the District commisioner, a district Authority, with an African personnel, enjoying financial autonomy based on a growing annual income derived from a proportion of local revenue, and executively responsible for an ever increasing number of local matters. This was to provide an avenue for African experience and training in general local government, in methods of democratic election for which it would be a focus, and in legislative work of local importance.

The symbolic separation of the African Local Government offices as Arua in a building removed from the offices of the District more talk and less hard work, but also the development of a genuinely self imposed discipline and routine among the African officials. it is the first concrete step in bringing home to the Africans that the show is theirs, in a way that has so far not been possible in the rural areas.

As already noted, the Alur and Lugbara councils, whic had already existed for some years as advisory to the District commisioner, agreed to amalgamate in 1941, though they remain separate for purposes of the determination of tribal custom. The whom were elected annually as president and vice president, representative wakils and nominated members from each county. During the folloing years the Council began to hear estimates of finance, to appoint annually a standing and finance committee, and to send representatives to the newly-constituted provincial councils were to consist of the sultan as ex officio chairman, all wakils ex offiio, an elected memeveer from each sub-country, and extra unofficial members nominated by the district commissioner, five in Okoro and two in Jonam. Similarly, sub-county councils were to consist of the wakil as chairman, all headmen and nyamparas, and the heads or agreed representatives of localised clan sections.

All matters of public importance were aired in th District Council, including the amalgamation of jurisdictions, dismissals or promotions of chiefs, changes in tribal law, and development projects. The council passed resolutions, which had to be approved by the District and provincial commisioners and could then be embodied in administrative orders having the force of law.

Despite the possibility that members would be reluctant to express themselves freely in a body still completely under the ultimate control of European government officials, the council resolutions from 1939 onwards give a vivid idea of the preoccupations of tribal leaders. Among many miscellaneous matters considered three themes persistenly recur: attempts by sultans to secure economic benefits for themselves and to avoid relinguishing them to the African Local govenment treasury; constant efforts to pass draconian legislation against witches and sorcerers; and proposals to increase the penalties for abduction, adultery and seduction, penalising the woman rather than the man wherever possible.

Under the new system, all local proposals are discussed at the various sub country councils, and those approved for forwarding are presented at the county council by each wakil. There can be no question of the value of an officially recognised safety valve for the expression of all matters about which there may be strong popular feeling. As effective organs of deliberation, popular election, and, at District level, legislation, the council have not had time to aprove themselves. They do not arous marked enthusiasm from the Alur indivual, and it is rather accentric elders whom I have heard wishing that their particular wakil's council met more often, in rivalry with that of the adjacent wakil. However, most men speak of the councils with definite approval, saving that it is good for them to meet and to improve the country. It did not take the unofficial members long to begin clamouring for pay, and, indeed, members of county councils are put to considerable inconvenience, having to walk long distances and often being summoned to the council on the wrong day.

Of course, the average individual cannot credit the fact that these councils are officially intended to develop into organs of local government by the people themselves, of whom chiefs, clerks, police, and all the other familiar personnel will be merely the paid servants, and to whom they will be responsible, and not to the District commisioner in person. At the county councils the official members are noticeably dominant, and in general if the unofficial members are genuinely chosen by the people it is not to be expected that they will aslo yet be a match for the official members. They are at a disadvanteage in familiarity with formal council procedure, and lack the wide experience of the wkils, who sit beside them, in the general problems and working of the administration. At the level below, in the sub county councils, this does not matter so much, for these have more the character of assemblies of perons who are mainly kinsmen or neighbours who know one another in daily life. Proceedings are more informatl, and the gulf between official members, at this level the headmen, and ordinary family heads is in all respects slight. The District council has also, until recently, been dominated by the sultans who are its most important and numerous official members, andwho have usually been among the most forceful personalitites of their areas; but there are now in the district council several unofficial members with a background of experience in school teaching, trade, or other extra-tribal activity which enables them to speak with confidence and independence in the presnence of the sultans.

Though the councils system is in theoru the beginning of a purified system of government, leading to the integration of local with central government through series of electoral colleges, and not to separate parralel systems of central and local government, it has in fact for the moment introduced a third force into the administration of the District. The District commissioner, with his European assistants and his bureaucratic staff, and the associated local bureaucracies of the specilaised departments of the central government medical, agricukture, veterinary, forestry, public works and police form on element which, both formally and informally, wakils, headmen and nyamparas forms a second element with a strong common outlook, resting heavily upon the traditional position of tribal authorities and its enduring grip upon the majority of people. The third force consists of the growing bureaucracy of the African Local Government secretaries, treasurers, store keepers, clerks, drivers and other employees, who represent a wholely new element in society, which must in the long run have interests divergent both from those of the central govenment officals and of the loca executive hierarchy.

There are, of course, many interesting lins and cross currents between these three elements. The excutive hierarchy actually has, in the sultan and wakils, a majority membership of the District Council which, subject to the District commisioner's approval, is begining to control the appointment of the executie hierarchy itself and also of the African Local Government bureaucracy. The growing numbers of Africans in the local bureaucray of the central government are, by their background and general social life, tied more closely to the African Local Government bureaucracy than to their European colleagues. But all these three different elements impinge upon the life of the ordinary Alur peasant in a different way.

The relation between the powers of the local bureaucracy of the central government, the African Local Government and the local executive hierarchy is peculiar, and at many points confusing. By law, the sultans, wakils and headmen retain all the powers of their pre-European protypes which have not been specifically taken away from them or condemned by implication under the repugnancy clause. Their powers are thus undefined, and vary from one part of the District to another. The powers of the central government bureaucracy, and more especially if the District commisioner and his assistants, are defiened by protectorate law, but in practice are so wide as to be in many important contexts effectively undefined, and controlled only by precedent and common sense. The African Local government has as yet excercised very little real power, but, if the reasons for its establishment are to be justified, it must be destined for increasingly extensive powers in the future.

Lokang Jackson September 15, 2016

The powers of chiefs are legally defined by the Uganda Native Authority Ordinance. Although there was a combination of new and old features, the general principle was that the status, powers and duties of chiefs were to be exactly as they had been under conditions of indpendence inso far as they were "not repugnant to morality or justic" and had not been otherwise restricted or added to by the foreign Administration. Thus chiefs were to maintain order both by new conferred powers and by virtue of "any law or native custom for the time being in force"; and they were to issue order both with respect to native law and custom and for a large number of newly-defined purposes. These latter comprised the restriction of liquor, drinking bouts, noxious plats, and the carrying of arms; the prohibition of any conduct likely to cause a breach of peace; the prevention of water pollution and the wasteful cutting of timeber; the employment of male natives for restricted periods on various public works; the prevention tax evasion, the control of human or animal dieases, the reporting to another, the control of human or animal diseases, the reporting of stolen property, the provision of food for sale to govenment officials on tour, the prevention of unfair eviction, and any other purpose which the Governor might authorise by rule. Furthermore, chiefs might be directed to make or cancel orders under any of these heads by the provincial or District commissioner. Chiefs might employ persons to assist them in the exercise of any of these powers, and they could require the attendance before them of anyone under their jurisdiction. They also had special powers of requiring movement, labour or cultivation for the prevention of famine. By chief is understood "any native chief who is recognised as such by the Government, or, subject to any orders of the Government, any native chief who is recognised as such by the tribe over which or over part of which he has jurisdiction and includes, except where such an interpretation is repugnant to the context, any body of chiefs exercising collective authority. This covers without discrimination all levels of native political authority of sufficient importance to gain recognition at all. All details as to the system of subordination, number of grades of chiefs and division of powers between them, are left for decision on the spot by the District permits considerable variety, and few chiefs have identical power. Between them, are left for decision at all. All details as to the system of subordination, number of grades of chief and division of powers between them, are left for decision on the spot by the District commissioner with the provincial commissioner's sanction. This pessimists considerable variety, and few chiefs have identical powers. It is clear that during the early years of the establishment of British domination the reportion of chief's powers and duties which stemmed from native law and custom remained very large. As control became more effective this sphere was progressively restricted, and more recently its relative importance has been reduced still further by the ever-growing complexity of modern administration resulting from economic development and the accumulation of local bye-law concerned with marriage, markets cash crops, rules for cultivation, and so on. Chiefs are subject to fairly heavy punishment for failing in any of their duties. They are liable to a fine of not more than 600s or imprisonment for not more than six months for failing to keep appointment with a Government official; neglecting their powers for preventing offenses, bringing offenders to justice or recovering stolen property; failing to issue, enforce, or cancel orders as directed; failing to carry out lawful orders of a superior chief or abusing their authority under native law or custom. Technical offenses under these regulations must occur fairly frequently, but the rigor of the law has only been visited on them in rare flagrant cases. However, during the first few years a number of wakils were taken to the district header quarters at Arua for "courses of correction." One was goaled for desertion, and in another case three headmen received twenty-four lashes for bad road work.

The sultans were the highest native authorities, mediating the new administration from the European officers to their tribal. The wakils constitued the courts of first instance from the official point of view and bore the primary local responsibility for administration. Headmen were granted no officially recognised judicial functions, though there was no objection to their excercising whatever powers of arbitration their status and personal ability conferred on them. In the main their job was to carry out the instructions of the wakils in each ward of his sub-county and the the nyampara were their agents in this

It was the two most powerful chiefs of the Uganda Alur who were choosen as the first sultans. All the first wakils were appointed from among the tradtional chiefs and chieflets, or their sons, excepts in the case of parombo, which was such a large localised clan section that its head became wakils, and Erusi sub-county which had and ex-askari of th First World War as its first wakil. On the other hand, headmen have most frequently been the heads of localised clan sections.

Chiefly lines which failed to obtain the office of Sultan usually found recognition as wakils. On subsequent amalgamation some at the same time, amalgamation of headmen was going on, and, as a result, many headmen who had held office by virtue of clan headship the dignity of a headman or clan head to accept the job of nyampara as an alternative. Besides loss to the desire of the Government to introduce non-hereditary office holders with suitable qualifications. This was sometimes acieved when a herditary office holder had to be dismissed for a minor offences or imcompetence, or when he retired or died. More commonly office holders ceased to hold office owing to a combination of old, readiness to retire, and pressure from the Distrct commisioner to reduce the importance of the hereditary principle in office desire to reduce the importance of the hereditary principle in office holding made very little progress during the first thirty years of administration. To an increasing extend hereditary office holders had to be prepared for transfer, ruling in areas other than their own, though within the same county. But office holders to be very largely drawn from families forward to equal them in ability to rule. The families of chiefs holding the office of sultan exercised a wide degree of control over the system as a whole, with many sons or other close agnatic relatives holding office as wakils or headmen. In 1951 the four wakils of Jonam county all had hereditary claims to political office, though not neccessarily in the areas where they were excercising it, and four out of the eight Okoro wakils also had hereditary claims.

Lokang Jackson September 10, 2016

People have their own weakness when things are imposed on them knowingly. Human hates each other because they are in competition with each other. Colour do affect every community because of its orientation and perception. One colour tend to prefer one their own and abandon the one that is different to theirs because of effects and dangers that comes with it. White is interrogative and black is low key. White is also full of wants and needs while black is happy with what have they and unless have adopted that as a culture. White have embarrassing details to black while black has annoying details to white. White can watch each other and others live sex through cctv, security camera etc for black that is insane and considered punishable. White respect no privacy and instead consider that their strength but black discourage communication towards privacy of each other and could flames war e.g. security details especially what happened in war. White are naturally dirty and tends to use what you want on you e.g. money, happiness etc while black tends to be open of what they do and communicate clearly as it is. White causes problems it does not matter wherever they are from while black tends to heal and gives their heart out to help, support etc each other. White can kill and say you are a danger while black don't kill while cry and accept that as a fact, but they do kill each other because they feel same on standard and have same power. White does not appreciate illiteracy and in other country that is a good prove for imprisonment while black will question less and jokes, laughs at illiteracy. Black verse black in most cases goes hand in hand and so is white verse white implying God is not a full, he made us different from each other at birth. White avoid owning similar things even amongst themselves while black share whatever it is amongst themselves e.g. bike, car etc even business. White are threaten if feels they are on same level with black or even close to e.g. white have large population to black but complains black are high in population than them. White naturally hate black unless the one who has use to them and black naturally like white even the most primitive one they prefer to their own most intelligent. White keep their agreement but black ignores agreements e.g. European union never broken since started, America and Russia signed agreement after cold war and kept it till to date while black people breaks their agreement because one of them feel threaten e.g. EAC, Sudan and South Sudan agreement etc. Evolution keeps gene and changes colour. Meaning other black or so white to black and so are other white.

White will never be black and so is black. But my assumption is in a thousand or million year from now, the whole world will be white in colour not just dominated.

Lokang Jackson September 9, 2016

God punishes and that remains true all the time. How God punishes is what many fail to understand. We have religion which holds our Gods kingdom and we have those who disobey it then protest. Protestant are failed believer who were not able to bear responsibilities of their own leaders. Same thing in Paradise and animal kingdoms(do a research to find out). All living things compete and so is in paradise. The break aways are those we wants to own same system out of the current failing to understand that it is not just break away. If you do break away, there will also be another break away and such continues making mini problems all over. When that happens there is what is known as retaliation because of wanting to come back because they remember the good old days. Doors are closed and when you left the system is evolve and your problem could cause another. Pressure makes others do anything but resistance is the most modest form of withstanding all temptations. Temptation has punishment and this cycle I let you finish.

Lokang Jackson September 9, 2016

Deep in our history we have a culture that runs us from within although there was always one known for all. Inside cultures we embedded systems to divert and maintain presence on the world stage. Eastern Luo and Ateker have a representative and history so deep that takes at least a decade or so to digest. When one is in front of the world, there is always one cooking from behind. Generations over generation, we kept interchangeably close to each other bringing new, restoring old, projecting the future. To remind ourselves of war the young are taught to fire Ochokobo; to keep bunga we make sure they are carefully looked after; to maintain culture Ruodi system is used. Intelligence makes a different because we joint all at once and able to make them operational, we separate them to test there functionality, they were real. The last time we checked was how we could make all districts from both Eastern Luo and Ateker work at same time doing different things while still connected to each other and knowing what each other is doing. Torit was always the security head quarter, Gulu took over commercial, Lira was administration, Soroti manufacturing, kitgum was development, kotido and Nymiryong(sp) heads bunga system and Kilak was head of Agricultural system(irrigation in particular). While we do that we call on our neighbouring states of Bungui in the west, Uganda in the south, South Sudan in the north, Gambella state in North East and Kenya in the East West. We kept good relationship and neighbourhood a think that took others a fortune to do. Bad things happened because Lo Lonyo were running us. The reasons was that they only own private businesses, we decided to bring the gammers, bees, bouncers. It was one of kind I tell you.

Lokang Jackson September 8, 2016

Losts is when your all belongs in the hand of another defined as superior at such time. Lost accumulate anger, agony, hate, and wants for retaliation. I can tell you my entire life has been lost I have never won I will not personally want to win anything, but I always regain, manoeuvre, suffer extreme pain of it. Recovery is always to see you do what makes your superior happy and making them lead the battle for you. When enmity becomes part of it, that becomes a play field of defeats because then you now have competition of which we have gotten good at over our life time. Just imagine you are born a looser and everyone you know suffer from it. The good part of it is, you only have gains and defeats smelling on your smoke screens. To me personally, when I lost, I jubilate because you have now shown me your stronger side. When you win I jubilate because you now have what you wanted. When you win and becomes happy I get angry because you are about to realise some reality that is going to hart you for the rest of your life. We have survived and survivable conditions meaning anything thrown at us that was meant to break us made us supper strong and we just gained from them and kept on knocking. Whatever happens now, had already happened to me personally over a lifespan of three decades. You could be double or three times that but the truth remains, we have seen them all come by and pass by.

Lokang Jackson September 7, 2016

Financial loophole

Taxation is created by government for government purposes. I personally do not know any single country in this world that does not have a taxation system and anyone in a country that have a taxation system. Originally, it was built to speed up development, provide employment, run government administrations etc. The people(you, him, her, them, and me) contribute to uplift, improve standard, work together and increase manufacturing etc. Now, the situations is not same. Governments have gotten smarter with taxes. For them to use the money they provide projects, contracts, grants etc and in most cases thousands apply and few gets the chance to win. It is also true that the person that won last previous years may win again this year and next year. Worst of all it is used by most top official to start their personal businesses, expand their territorial businesses, colonise others, and domination over the rest by using it as Aids, grants, manufactured goods and sell tangible devices to improve their access and personal gain e.g. Farming tools. When money is taken from public, it is also use for loans, share, interests business. This is only true when money is either used borrowed for business or government decided to save it or cut expenditure on other things they already have or give large amount but use small chunk of it.

Benefits: The failed people and the contributors remain the common workers. Once they contributed or paid their tax money, they do not receive or even know what is done with their money, how much is used, how much remain to be used for later years. Good governments however gives documents and try to be transparent about it, but most of it comes before the actual work is done. In some cases governments too failed to control their taxes because individuals can exploit loopholes in government specification leaving government with good reports to give to the public while what is being done is an answer to procedure in place not how money is used and what it produced.

Blames: Imagine government have one billion in collection this year and the projects for this year from both governments and tax payers is beyond one billion, then in this case the government needs to either borrow or go bankrupt. If they go bankrupt, they pushed dept which becomes a negative performance that means less delivery and reduction in economy activity in the entire country. An individual who took grands earns profit, that only expands their business, but the tax payer looses. Government put saving in interest or share, it gain profit and who exactly take the profit at the end of it all remains a mystery. Not only that imagine there is an out break of diseases or emergency that means government use more tax money than intended for that calendar year. Tax payer continue paying tax for the entire life, never gotten grands, did not save any money, do not have share etc at the end of its all, they might have accumulated e.g. a billion money enough for government to use for an entire year. Really don’t we missed anything here.

Imagine: A system we call Ayiko. Whatever come from anyone is made sure spend on the person if not be given back to them. A business earns interest, their share be paid and interest charged on the extra and calculated on every account the money comes from e.g. state, mega cooperation etc. Government save money from a certain group of people, they pay them back exactly what owe them and take what owe government. Other people uses their health care card more often than others, others used their insurance more than the others leaving the other on lost and another on gain. Spend what you contributed and earn what is left. That means if you work for ten years and accumulated say ten thousand, then whether you work or not it remains your income to spend, use, and do whatever you want with.

The negative: Change in government create a big problem because all that was in with other government including certain time grants, loans, etc are lost especially when it involves the outgoing. Scholarships, foreign Aids are an example where immediate people are chosen in spite of who you are and where you are this true because information reaches those who are close to such money first then later the others. Imagine you work in ministry of immigration, there are free services like blood test etc where do that money comes from?

Lokang Jackson September 7, 2016

Anyone who neighbors or comes from central Africa know this inside out how financing was and is done. The major producer of income then were bunga and farming. The biggest generator of income was mining. Personally, I traditionally mined same way done in our central African states e.g. Kaya, Nzara, Mboki, Bungui etc few years ago. I started between the age of 4 and ended at the age of 7. I left mining in October/21/1992(Enough about me Man! I Know what am saying freak!!). It is either the whole village, able bodied, strong persons of the village or the ones feeling kind of poor at that time. When we mined we would sell them to the countries e.g. Liquate, Sudan, Congo, Chat, Egypt, Ethiopia etc. Now, thinking about it, I remember the taxation system - the strong man system. The one with the guns, knows places, have soldiers would put the rest under what we used to call Tahdit. Shoot some bullets in the air that should be enough to scare the money out of their pockets. Now, send in some defense to mull them out of their camps then asks each and everyone of them to hand over a defined quantity(e.g. 0.05milli gram) each of mine for that day. Doesn't matter how much in reality I can tell you that because at the end of it who cares about the boss? The defense make sure they collected as much as possible at time even killed team leader and report what they decided to the boss and we called it Munyeka(Just to drive off attention and make sure their job keeps on going). When the miners get out then that is the only way you can now think I will have my cash. Later the situation was different because the defense decided to form their own branches and ambush miners on their way home and went as far as attacking villages. With all that, people still made money and others became extremly rich and of course we lost others during the process. Now that our system aged this far, how different can we do financing and what method are we going to use putting European problematic method called taxation aside?

Tags: oyo